Dear Fellow Citizens, the world is going through an international crisis that may lead it to destruction

Dear Citizens,

I am pleased to meet with you, and I am pleased to see you—to see these crowds, the masses of the people who, through their struggle and determination, were able to achieve independence and protect that independence, and to establish the United Arab Republic—a free and independent republic, a republic that holds its head high with pride in the sky.

We achieved independence through our struggle; we built our country with our own efforts, with our blood and the blood of our sons. And we also resolved that our country would be a free, strong nation, one with an independent will—a country that speaks with conviction and speaks with belief in what it says. A country that vowed to be master of its own destiny, and that no flag would be raised across its land and in its skies except its own free flag—raised through struggle and blood. This is our republic today—the United Arab Republic—the republic you built, the republic that feels it has a duty toward itself, a duty toward its people, a duty toward all of humanity, and a duty toward the entire world. The republic that represents each one of you, and that is the sum of all the individuals of this nation. A republic that believes it has a major role to play in this world.

This is the United Arab Republic, whose path you—the people—have charted, and you have committed yourselves to defending the republic as it proceeds along this path with your blood, your lives, and with the most precious thing the soul can offer.

This is the republic we had long dreamed of. This is the United Arab Republic in whose name I spoke at the United Nations General Assembly. When I spoke—brothers—at the United Nations, and when I met with the leaders of the world during my visit to attend the UN meeting, I constantly referred to the struggle of this people, to the determination of this people, to the hopes and aspirations of this people. And when I spoke, every word I uttered reflected the policy that this people shaped through its struggle, determination, and sacrifice—the free and independent policy.

Why do we attend the United Nations General Assembly? After freeing ourselves from colonialism, after declaring our independent and free policy, after committing to the policy of positive neutrality, and after declaring Arab nationalism and establishing the United Arab Republic—after all of this, brothers, we must engage in the international arena. We cannot leave the global stage to the major powers that possess atomic weapons and missiles. For today, there is a force in the world that rivals these nuclear bombs and missiles.

These forces—brothers—are the moral forces that are represented by you, and represented by the free nations that struggled for their freedom and independence and have now gained it—nations that advocate for the right of all peoples to freedom and self-determination. These, dear fellow citizens, are the moral forces.

Yesterday, at the United Nations General Assembly, I met with representatives of the Asian-African countries. I told them: when I look at you—representatives of the Asian and African nations—I remember the year 1956. I remember the people of the United Arab Republic defending their land, their country, their identity, and their Arabism, relying on themselves, and also relying on the free moral forces in the world. I said to them: when I look at you now, I say to you that the moral forces that stood with us in 1956—in the Asian and African countries here in the UN in New York and in the nations of this group—I saw those moral forces and felt that they were stronger than the threat of missiles and stronger than the threat of atomic bombs. Because atomic bombs and missiles are weapons of destruction, whereas our moral strength is a weapon of construction, development, and progress. (Loud Applause)

It was with this feeling, fellow citizens—with this sense—that I went to attend the fifteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly. And it was with this feeling that I stood to speak at the United Nations. I felt, as I spoke, that I was speaking from a position of strength—a position of moral strength—that is embodied in every individual in this nation. I also spoke from the moral strength we felt in 1956 when we were under attack. And I spoke from the moral strength that enabled us to defeat the aggression launched by two major powers and to defend our land and our nation.

It was with this conviction, brothers, that I went to New York. And I feel that we—countries that have recently achieved independence—must play a role in international policy. We must not leave the world to be torn apart by rival camps. Rather, we must make the entire world aware that there are great moral forces in this world capable of asserting their will, and that there is global public opinion, which commands respect and consideration, enough to compel any state with nuclear weapons and missiles to take it seriously and account for it.

We went, brothers, to the United Nations with this vision and this understanding. And at the United Nations, I declared, on behalf of the people of the United Arab Republic, the policy we believe in. I declared our position on all international issues and global affairs.

Today, my fellow citizens, the world is going through a crisis... an international crisis that could lead to destruction. And it is upon us – the countries that have chosen to follow the policy of non-alignment and positive neutrality – to show the world that there is room not only for the Western and Eastern blocs, but also for nations that have chosen not to align with any bloc. These nations are not against any alliance, but have chosen to safeguard peace, to build their homelands, to make up for what they missed during the age of steam and the age of electricity, and to develop their countries so they may establish social justice.

When we work for peace, we are working for ourselves, for building our country, for raising the standard of living, and for making up for what was lost—what was lost despite our will, because we could not, under the grip of colonialism in past years, build or develop our nation, or raise the standard of living and establish social justice across its regions. We were unable to do this in the past, but when we gained our freedom, we were able to begin building our homeland and achieving social justice. In the seven years since the Revolution here in Egypt, we have doubled the national income from 650 million pounds to 1,300 million pounds—the national income has doubled in seven years.

So we want peace in order to double our national income once, twice, and three times. We want peace to be able to face life, to live the free, dignified, and happy life we aspire to. We want to see the opportunities that the countries which gained independence before us had, the ones that found the chance to build and raise the standard of living for their people. Thus, when we call for peace, we are calling for peace for ourselves, for our children, and for the building of our nation. And when we call for peace, we are also calling for peace for the sake of global peace—because if peace collapses in any part of the world, it will inevitably affect the entire world. We don’t know, if war breaks out, where a nuclear bomb might come from or where we might be struck. We want to preserve our independence and protect our freedom.

We have chosen the policy of positive neutrality and non-alignment. We have declared that we side with peace and justice, and that we are against war. All of this, my fellow citizens, I said in your name at the United Nations General Assembly. I declared the principles and goals that we announced and adopted. I declared, on behalf of the people of the United Arab Republic, our policy in support of the right of peoples to freedom, independence, and self-determination. I declared our policy for the establishment of global peace. I then stated our view on the severity of global tensions and the crisis that engulfed the world after the collapse of the Paris Conference.

I declared, on behalf of the people of the United Arab Republic, that peace is not just a matter for the major powers or for the blocs—it concerns all nations and the whole world. If the great powers clash or quarrel, that threatens peace and affects us. It impacts our development efforts and our work to advance our countries. In this meeting, I pointed out that President Eisenhower, the President of the United States, said in his speech that he was ready to negotiate for disarmament. And the head of the Soviet government, President Khrushchev, said he too was ready to negotiate for disarmament. If both of them are willing to negotiate, then why not sit down and talk? This proposal and these words reflect the spirit embodied by this people.

I read in some newspapers that the countries pursuing neutrality wish for tensions to escalate, so they can receive aid from both sides. Our statements clearly showed that such talk is a misunderstanding—or at best, a simplistic understanding. The countries that call for positive neutrality and non-alignment work to prevent the expansion of military blocs, because we believe that if the world is divided entirely into two opposing camps, and each camp is on constant alert against the other, war will become inevitable as each side tries to impose its will.

However, if in this world there are independent countries that have chosen the path of positive neutrality and non-alignment, then we can ease global tensions—because the world will no longer be divided solely between East and West. There will be countries that align only with their conscience, that speak the truth regardless of whether it pleases one bloc or the other, regardless of whom it supports or opposes.

In our words, we express our conscience and the voice of our United Arab Republic. We are not aligned with the Eastern Bloc or the Western Bloc; we align only with our own Republic. And, as I said, we also align with peace.

At the United Nations, there was an opportunity for us to clearly express our views in New York. People used to say that New York is the stronghold of global Zionism, and that it might be risky or difficult for me to go there. However, in New York, the American people had a shaky image of us, because global Zionism always tries to portray the Arab people as troublesome and aggressive, and Israel as the victim, claiming that it is the Arabs who are the aggressors.

During this visit, we were able to present our true position: how Israel forcibly seized a part of the Arab world, how that wrong took place, and how the United Nations abandoned its responsibility toward Palestine and the rights of the Palestinian people. We stated our opinion clearly and frankly — that the only way to correct a mistake is to undo it, and that matters must return to the way they were before that mistake occurred. We declared, in no uncertain terms, that we can never forget or ignore the rights of the Palestinian people under any circumstances. (Applause and cheers)

It is evident, brothers, that the Arabs have never given up their rights. Throughout the years, throughout history, and throughout time, we have never relinquished our rights — but we have been patient and perseverant in order to reclaim them.

I also spoke, brothers, about the struggle of the Algerian Arab people and the tragedy they are enduring. I called on the United Nations to shoulder its responsibility, and I declared that we — the Arab people — support the Algerian people in their quest to regain their rights and independence.

I also spoke about the principles we upheld since Bandung, and I said on your behalf that the principles we announced five years ago are still the same principles we stand by today. The same problems still exist today — the problem of colonialism everywhere, the situation in the Congo, the colonial conspiracies in Africa, and the right of every people to self-determination. I presented these issues — the same issues we discussed in Bandung — to the General Assembly on behalf of the people of the United Arab Republic.

This, brothers, was one aspect of the visit. Another important aspect was the opportunity to meet world leaders and explain our viewpoint on both global and local issues. We feel a great responsibility toward our own issues, just as we feel a great responsibility toward the world's problems.

I met with Nehru, Tito, Sukarno, and Nkrumah — leaders of countries advocating positive neutrality — and I also met with Saeb Salam and representatives of Arab countries. I met with Khrushchev, Eisenhower, Macmillan, and the foreign ministers of many countries attending the General Assembly. We had the chance to explain our position face-to-face to the world.

We — the neutral countries — met to discuss the international situation and presented a resolution to the UN, recommending that Eisenhower and Khrushchev meet in order to reduce global tension. This resolution was submitted to the General Assembly. It was originally expected to wait until after the speeches had been delivered, but the General Assembly unanimously agreed to interrupt the speech period and immediately begin discussion and voting on the resolution.

The impact of this resolution was significant, because the entire world wants peace — no one wants war. People suffered from World War II and believe that any new war would destroy humanity.

This resolution will be debated tomorrow in the General Assembly. Of course, there have been some maneuvers. For example, Menzies — and we all remember Menzies from 1956 — came forward with a proposal from Australia to amend our resolution. In reality, the amendment proposed by Australia is a clear expression of the Cold War. Australia's intention is to dilute the resolution submitted by the five nations advocating positive neutrality and non-alignment. Their amendment suggests that the General Assembly recommend that all major powers meet — a move aimed at stalling the resolution and preventing it from moving forward.

But I don’t think these maneuvers will succeed or have much effect. First of all, we’ve done our duty. There would have been no point in attending the General Assembly of the United Nations, witnessing the intense global tension, and just sitting silently while tension escalated in each session. We couldn’t simply sit and watch the speeches, the insults, and the rebuttals — the kind of theatrics you watched here and we watched over there. We had to fulfill our responsibility.

What was our responsibility in this moment? It was to speak honestly. If these people truly want peace, and if they are serious about disarmament, the only solution is to forget the past and have both sides sit down and start a new chapter.

We submitted this resolution to the General Assembly. Yes, there are attempts by Australia, and we understand what Australia represents in trying to block this resolution. We — the nations of positive neutrality and non-alignment — have done our duty. We expressed our views to the world. We made it clear that there is global tension, and we are doing all we can to reduce it. We sent this resolution — signed and delivered — to Eisenhower and Khrushchev, so that they are fully aware of what’s at stake.

And what about the other countries? The ones that feel the impact of global tension and the Cold War — since we are the stage and the battlefield for this Cold War. I received replies to the letters we sent, and these responses were published.

What we hope for is to play a role in achieving global peace. What we are also working for is to prevent the East and the West from fighting while the world simply watches, and we stand by as mere spectators — even though this conflict affects our destiny and every plan for development and progress in our countries. (Cheers)

I believe that Arab nationalism and Arab strength achieved a great victory in this UN session. We managed to assert our presence and give the world a chance to see the truth. Global Zionism had tried to depict us as savage and unruly, and I want to tell you — the people in New York, for example, expected to see Gamal Abdel Nasser shouting and pounding his fists, as the Zionist narrative tried to fool the American people. But instead, they saw a very different image — an image that truly reflects this nation: a free and independent people.

And I can say that the image Zionism tried to impose has now been shaken. During this time, Zionism couldn’t find a foothold, and colonialism — which once allied with Zionism — couldn’t find an opportunity either. We sensed that the world, as represented in the UN, now looks at the Arabs with appreciation and respect. I heard this from every leader I met and every president I spoke with.

Zionism could not harm us directly — of course, it tried — but it couldn’t land a blow. Naturally, they had to find someone to rent, to bring in as a hired agent. And so, they found the little king we all know… (Cheers)

The little king — or let’s just say, the hired king — who came to New York, was hired against all Arabs, not just against the United Arab Republic, to damage our dignity, just like those they hire here to ruin a wedding celebration or sabotage a gathering... (Cheers)

King Hussein came to New York. After we had stated our position and demonstrated the Arabs’ dignity and strength, the Zionists couldn’t respond. So the next day, headlines in the papers read: “The Little King Arrives in New York to Speak on Behalf of Arab Nationalism.” Our first reaction was: he’s been hired — just like they hired his grandfather before him. Why wouldn’t they hire him?

We all remember how his grandfather was hired in 1948 — against all Arabs, against Palestine, against our honor, our blood, and our soul. Colonial agents conspired with colonialism and Zionism, and King Abdullah at the time was the dagger — the betrayal. But we learned from that lesson. If they hire his grandson today, no matter what dagger they give him, he won’t be able to hurt us — those who hired his grandfather in 1948. (Cheers from the crowds)

Brothers,

They removed the little king and brought in the hired king to New York. We waited to hear what he would say. Of course, there was no hope—this boy clearly inherited his grandfather’s nature and that of his family. So it wasn’t surprising that he turned out like his grandfather. He came to New York to speak. (Crowd cheers)

Brothers, King Hussein came to New York and spoke at the United Nations General Assembly. He gave a speech that was twelve pages long—about five pages of which were against the United Arab Republic. He said five words about Palestine, five words about Algeria, and spent the rest attacking the Soviet Union and the policy of positive neutrality.

What did the hired king say at the General Assembly? He stood and told the Assembly that Jordan was facing a great danger, that tensions existed between the United Arab Republic and Jordan, that the UAR wanted to destroy Jordan, that Hazza' al-Majali had died, that everything was collapsing on his head, and that he had absolutely nothing left in Jordan. Everything, according to him, was collapsing in Jordan because of the United Arab Republic. He completely denied the existence of something called "the people of Jordan" and asked his listeners to believe him.

It is truly regrettable that an Arab man—a so-called Arab king, even though he is the heir of betrayal in the Arab world—would come and rent himself out just to try to destroy the achievements of Arab nationalism and the Arab nation. But did Hussein achieve any of his goals? Did the hired king succeed in any of his aims?

I met with many delegates—heads of delegations—and each one of them asked about King Hussein's speech, expressing sadness and regret that the Arab world contained someone like him. But then they would add, “This is not new. Abdullah was like him. The boy is clearly his grandfather’s heir.”

In all the Asian and African nations—the free, independent nations—everyone believed and was convinced that King Hussein came to New York hired to serve the Zionist cause and the colonial powers, trying to undermine the Arab dignity that had been built during this session of the United Nations.

But Hussein did not succeed in achieving any goal. Why?

Many were asking about the assassination of Hazza' al-Majali. We were accused repeatedly of being behind it. But did they forget that Hazza’ al-Majali was appointed Prime Minister in December 1955 by \[British General] Templer? And that the people of Jordan—the same people Hussein now ignores and denies—managed to oust Hazza’ from the premiership within just 24 hours and forced him to flee Amman?

That is the Jordanian people—strong, proud, and free.

They rejected Templer’s appointment.

(Applause and cheers)

The Jordanian people who stood against Templer in 1955—Templer, then Chief of the British Imperial General Staff—refused to accept his will in Amman. He imposed it on Hussein, yes, but could not impose it on the Jordanian people. Because the people forced their will upon the king just 24 hours after Templer's order and Hussein's surrender to colonialism.

That same Jordanian people exist today—in prisons, as victims, and among the dead.

The Jordanian people did not accept betrayal in the past and will not accept it now. They never accepted being used as pawns for colonialism or Zionism and will never do so.

Everyone I met knew that it was the Jordanian people who are rebelling today against the little king—the hired king. The people who rejected treason in the past are working to end it today. Though small in number and having endured great suffering, pain, and torture, thousands of Jordanians are in prison today.

And the little king—the hired king—believes he can erase the Jordanian people from existence and deceive the world, blaming the United Arab Republic for the turmoil threatening his throne, instead of blaming his own treason, his alliance with colonialism, and his cooperation with Zionism.

But in the end, the only one the hired little king succeeded in deceiving was himself. He deceived no one else at the United Nations General Assembly. The treacherous dagger he threw at the Arab Nation and the United Arab Republic came back to pierce the treacherous chest that threw it. Everyone who listened to the little king knew that he represented the enemies of Arab nationalism and the enemies of the United Arab Republic.

That was the result of King Hussein’s mission to New York—his and his paymasters’ efforts. A mere ink spot that can be erased with an eraser in half a minute.

At the same time King Hussein was delivering his anti-UAR speech in New York, what was happening in Amman? On the 29th of last month, the radio in Amman—the radio of the little king—suddenly interrupted its broadcast to announce that a UAR pilot had defected to Jordan.

I heard this news while I was in New York and I didn’t believe it. It’s impossible for any soldier from the UAR—all of us in the UAR are soldiers—to prefer life over dignity and sell himself to betrayal and colonialism.

From the President down to the lowest guard—we would rather die than sell ourselves. (Cheers and applause)

I didn't believe it. I said, this must be another of King Hussein’s fabrications. Later they claimed the pilot had landed in an area suitable for landing, not at the airport. Then they said he would hold a press conference, which they’d broadcast.

The authorities here in Cairo didn’t believe the story either and predicted that the traitorous Jordanian authorities would use all the means we know—torture and pressure—to force this honorable officer to say what they wanted, to save his life.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned the Jordanian ambassador and told him that we held them responsible for anything that happened to the officer. We stated that from the circumstances, it was clear that the aircraft had made a forced landing in Jordan. If the officer had really wanted to seek asylum, he would have landed at Amman airport and declared himself, not landed in the desert or the mountains.

Yesterday, Jordanian radio—which had previously said that the Arab pilot, Lieutenant Adnan al-Madani, would hold a press conference to reveal UAR secrets—cut its broadcast and announced: Lieutenant Adnan al-Madani committed suicide and died.

What do we understand from this? (Crowd reacts)

If Adnan was martyred, then he died alongside his Jordanian brothers who were martyred by King Hussein and his agents. We, the United Arab Republic, are honored that one of ours would die in Amman for the cause of Amman and justice, as a symbol of manhood, dignity, and honor. (Applause)

Adnan al-Madani could have sold himself to King Hussein for money—just as they said on the radio, that he asked His Majesty for asylum. He could have saved his life by betraying his conscience and his country. But he didn’t.

He didn’t buy his life at the cost of his nation. He bought his nation with his life, his blood, and his soul.

That is the Arab spirit—not only in the UAR, but in every Arab country, including Amman. And King Hussein knows this. That is why, while speaking, he was trembling, shaking with fear. (Cheers)

The man who trembles and shakes when he speaks is not afraid of the UAR. The UAR will not attack Jordan. But he trembles in fear of the free Jordanians, who will never accept betrayal, colonial collaborators, or Zionist agents among them.

They killed Adnan al-Madani. But they could not make him follow the path of King Hussein or King Abdullah—the path of treason. The noble Syrian pilot, Adnan al-Madani, refused to follow the little king's path. The young lieutenant turned out to be more honorable than the king. (Cheers)

The young officer refused to betray his country. The king betrays his. The young officer chose to buy his country with his blood and soul. The king sells his for a few dollars and pounds.

This is our reality. These are the scenes we are living. And this, Your Majesty King Hussein, is the real reason for the tension in the Middle East—not because the United Arab Republic threatens Jordan, or seeks to destroy it.

Of course, we deeply regret that young Arabs are dying at the hands of betrayal and treachery. And I am also sorry to say: it’s not only King Hussein who bears the responsibility for these acts. Every person working with King Hussein today shares that responsibility. And the one who will hold them accountable is neither me nor the United Arab Republic — the one who will hold them accountable is the Jordanian people.

The Jordanian people will hold them accountable — the people who lost hundreds and thousands while fighting for Palestine at a time when King Abdullah was selling Palestine to the Jews. The Jordanian people will hold Hussein accountable, and they will hold accountable all those who collaborate with Hussein to turn Jordan into a base for Zionism and a base for colonialism.

We consider the issue of King Hussein a secondary matter and return to our main point: that *Arab nationalism is a living reality*, acknowledged by all countries of the world.

When I spoke at the United Nations General Assembly about Arab unity and said that we are advocates of Arab unity, the entire United Nations applauded — the Arab, Asian, African, and Eastern countries. We are advocates of unity and Arab nationalism. (Crowd cheers)

We will always work for Arab nationalism and Arab unity. Treachery will fall. The agents of colonialism and Zionism will fall. The Arab nation grows stronger day by day. With each day, we feel that we are stronger than the day before, through our actions, our determination, and our will to pursue an independent and free policy.

Thanks to this people — to their strong faith and determination — the people who achieved freedom and independence, the people who preserved that freedom and independence, the people who were determined to follow a free and independent policy — and did so — we will, God willing and thanks to this people, be able to realize all the hopes we aspire to: moral hopes for building our country, raising its reputation and standing, and material efforts to build factories, develop and reconstruct, raise living standards, and establish social justice.

May God grant you success.

Peace be upon you.

The speech of President Gamal Abdel Nasser after his return from New York on October 5, 1960.